The Rastafarian Religion

Presently a large number of the Rastafarians are members of the Ethiopian Orthodox church, and many new recruits are in a state of great ambivalence. Looking into the near future it would not be difficult to predict that, if the membership of the church becomes predominantly Rastafarians, they will eventually reject the Christian element of this denomination and institute the Rastafarian doctrine alongside those rituals of the church believed to be basically African. Already some Orthodox rituals are adapted in most Rastafarian communities. Such syncretism is not new to Jamaican religious movements.
This process of ritual adaptation began in Jamaica as early as the late eighteenth century when the Black Baptist church entered Jamaica and grafted itself onto Kumina. Later, it evolved into present-day Pukumina and the Native Baptist church of which Bedford was one of its best known leaders. All Revival churches in Jamaica are syncretisms of African and Christian rituals. In present-day Africa this kind of syncretism has yielded six thousand new movements since the last research was done.8 Most missionary churches in Africa are now seeking ways to make the church more relevant to an African religious expression. One of the setbacks in Jamaican institutionalized religion has been their rejection of the drum, which represents all things African. Most denominations represented in Jamaica are also in Africa, but while the African branches of the church are moving toward an incorporation of the African ethos, the Jamaican churches remain plastically colonial. It would be a great mistake, then, for the Ethiopian Orthodox church to copy the attitudes of these churches for the outcome would be unfortunate.
Counterculture movement such as the Rastafarians do not easily submit to any organization whose attitudes remind them of aspects against which they have developed psychic resistance. Any cues of the oppressive society are like waving the proverbial red cloth in front of a bull. Traditional missionizing psychology needs special refinements in dealing with a movement that has developed for itself alternative modes of religious expression more suitable to their status in life. This has already been achieved by the Rastafarians; whatever else they accept should be aimed at enriching their experiences, broadening their visions, and building upon foundations already laid. This then will be a syncretism, not a conversion. Anything less than this approach will be a fission. What the Rastafarians need at the moment is an organization that can provide for them a at home; should this vision be grasped by the new denomination, it could be an instant success.
The Rastafarian phenomenon is merely an infant. Many more books will be written on them in the future. From humble, despised beginnings they have emerged with a new and vital message to the Jamaican society. They have proved themselves to be a vital socioreligious movement for necessary change, which has been heeded by the larger society. Although the implementation of some of their social visions has yet to be accomplished, Jamaica is moving toward a more equitable society. For the first time in the island's history there is a conscious attempt to grapple with the problems of the dispossessed mass in such things as land reform, education, housing, medical care, and equitable justice.
Jamaica is presently a leader of the Third World ideology advocating that those who have had the privilege of amassing great wealth at the expense of the poor must now see that a portion of this wealth is utilized in lifting the economic levels of the "have nots"—the alternative of which will certainly bring on a social Armageddon. It is useless to state that this kind of philosophy is unpopular to the privileged class. Most of the present struggles in Jamaica revolve around this radical sociopolitical philosophy which was declared by the Manley government. There is no question in the author's mind that the present trend to a more equitable society is an ambiguous adventure, filled with many risks and pitfalls, but then all social change will initially involve disagreeable situations. But with steady, resolute, and imaginative leadership, backed up with the enlightened self-interest of those who have for generations enjoyed the "fruits of the land," there could emerge in Jamaica a society never before attained.
Social movements such as the Rastafarians are signs of deep social commotion, a stirring among people, an unrest, a collective attempt to reach a visualized goal, and a change in social institutions,- neglected, they can become volcanic. An attempt to remedy these conditions is the responsibility of imaginative leadership which can be overlooked only at the peril of the wider society. One of the causes of revolutionary movement resistance is the frustration of high expectations. This frustration may come about in several ways; first among these may be the ambiguous language of desperate politicians—the multi-vocality of whose language, though reassuring to the traditionally privileged, may dangerously threaten the high expectations of the oppressed. If a society such as Jamaica is to move toward equitable democracy, it must speak a single language, a language of love and hope, a language that gives assurance to the weak and hopeless. Any leader perceived to cater to the privileged class, ignoring the poor as a whole, may expect to see a deterioration of movements such a? the Rastafarians into pockets of resistance. The ambitious politician, whose sole aim is power, may be blind to his image reflected in the eyes of the poor. Jamaican society today cannot afford the luxury of political ambivalence; the high expectation vested in national independence is fast dying out. Many of the sociopolitical and economic conditions before independence persist. The symbols of wealth and affluence are still in the hands of those who had them before independence, and color and class preferences remain glaringly obvious. Present trends toward equity of opportunities need the support of the enlightened elite if a catastrophe is to be avoided. The Rastafarian movement with its unorganized militancy could be fertile ground for guerrilla resistance, solidifying deep-seated emotional resentment.
A second ingredient for the frustration of high expectation may come from outside pressures. Covert intelligence activities often carried out by the developed nations seek to maintain the status quo of developing nations. This misreading of the internal Zeitgeist of developing nations often lunges a small country into social and economic turmoil. The shortsightedness of the developed nations, insensitive to the hopes and aspirations of Third World peoples, cause them to back the party or politicians who support foreign exploitation at the expense of the future. Such leaders are strawmen whose future is generally short-lived. The Rastafarians are highly aware of this possibility of foreign infiltration. My experience at the Nyabingi service referred to in Chapter 4 proves without a doubt that the movement is well aware of the dangers of outside pressures such as those against Cuba, Mozambique, and Angola. Any such pressures in Jamaica can expect resistance of a high intensity by the Rastafarians, meaning serious setbacks for social and economic advancement.
Any party or politician choosing to be the instrument of foreign pressures may for a short while receive the accolade of foreign multinational corporations and other agents of the status quo, but the social and economic problems that brought about the emergence of the Rastafarian movement will remain. Nothing short of political despotism could offset the terrorism of a civil war. Examples of this kind of frustration may now be seen in Ireland, Lebanon, Argentina, and Africa. Outside pressure and chaos are often brought to the Third World by withdrawing viable industries from operating in a country when levels of profits decline. Behavior of this type has only punitive intent and results only in upheaval. In present-day Jamaica, a potentially frustrating situation is growing—it bodes further ills.
The message and visions of movements like the Rastafarians often point the way to new patterns of society. Though often unheeded, new movements generally have clear visions of where society should be going. The constant cry of Rastafarians is for land on which to live and work; as one of their leaders put it "lands on which to pitch the tents of Jacob." Any social scholar will agree that new movements possess a dynamic which, if given the right channeling, can create possibilities beyond expectations. This can be documented among the members of the Black Muslims of merica whose motto—"do for self"—has changed the psychology of Black communities in America. They have attempted to develop grassroots industries in the cities and rural areas, staffed by their members, giving incentives to Blacks to exert themselves for their own good. Today, the movement operates a multimillion-dollar industry. Other examples are numerous the world over where socio-economic development has been generated by new religious movements without outside help. If there is one thing that the Rastafarians have taught Jamaica, it is that one must accept what one has and seek to make the best of it. No one can do for Jamaicans except Jamaicans. The messianic-millenarian syndrome is deeply rooted in the Jamaican psyche. Throughout the island's history, there has ever been a looking to the outside for the redeemer and for the "cargo," which would bring about miracles and plenty. This philosophy can bring only disenchantment. Mes-sianism and millenarianism are useful only to a society as instruments of revitalization toward self-fulfillment.
The Rastafarians have passed through the rhetorical stage of their movement; they have shown what a revitalization movement can do; their examples must be capitalized on for the good of all. They have rejected stagnation in a country where the zest for life and creativity had grown placid; their examples should now be promoted by making them models for the masses. The good book tells us that "where there is no vision the people perish." This is especially true of building a nation. The future growth of the Rastafarians into a well-respected cult may in the long run mean more to Jamaican history as a people than all the multinational corporations in the world. Their farms would mean much to the hungry; their art would bring much revenue to the economy; their music would lift the drabness that now exists in all parts of the island.
Worth mentioning is the fact that the Rastafarian movement is more capable of dealing with the neurotics, the maladjusted, the unbalanced, and the psychotic personalities than any government institution. Anyone who eveals a lot to the Jamaican researcher. Most of the author's colleagues who have migrated from Jamaica left the island because they were unable to feel at home. Many of the elite Jamaicans now living in the island would rather be somewhere else. It is somewhat surprising that the Rastafarians who emerged with the strong desire to repatriate to Africa now echo the contradictory statement, "this is fi wi country." This contradiction is felt by all Jamaicans who are abroad. The love for Jamaica can never be erased but, despite the deep longing for our country, there is that ever-present contradiction that deters us from wholly casting our lot to reside there. The land we love has never been ours, we have never been accepted fully as citizens. Like split personalities we have sought a home outside our home, seeking but never finding. The Rastafarians are showing us the way. The way is reflected in their sculpture and expressed in their songs. For the first time, Black faces are being appreciated and not lampooned in cartoons by foreigners, projected in all their sorrows, aspirations, and dignity. For the first time Jamaican people, aspirations, and protests are being expressed in songs—not songs of caricature but experiences of sorrows.
Where go the Rastafarians? No one can tell for sure, but one thing can be said: they have brought us a long way toward understanding ourselves and our possibilities. Great social developments are not always made in the halls of parliament or in the citadels of learning. These institutions merely react to the dreams of the creative mass. Some of the most creative trends in nations' development are bom in the dreams of the visionaries, the radicals, the seers, and the charismatic prophets. This is the cunning of history. It may yet be true that the heretics of today will be the saints of tomorrow.

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