Domination and Resistance in Jamaican History

Jamaicans are by nature some of the most fun loving, hardworking, and gregarious people in the Caribbean. Treated with kindness and respect, they are likely to remain the most confident and dependable friends on earth. But if treated with impunity and disrespect, all the rage of a deep psychic revenge may surface with unpredictable consequences. This calm-and-storm personality of contemporary Jamaicans is a direct inheritance from that group of Africans who suffered the most frustrating and oppressive slavery ever experienced in a British colony.
The early history of Jamaica is one long tale of sad intrigue, human suffering, lawlessness, and immoral profit, at the center of which were the African slaves—the ancestors of present-day Jamaicans.1 Slavery in Jamaica lacked any vestige of humanity. A handful of greedy planters held absolute power over thousands of slaves. Only through violence could such complete domination by a minority be initiated and perpetuated. So in Jamaica, as in North America, the psychology of slave control was highly developed, and in Frederick Douglass's words, "Fear, awe, and obedience became interwoven into the very nature of the slaves." 2
Under such complete domination two reactions were provoked: fight and flight. This chapter will study these two reactions in an attempt to analyze how these survival techniques aided in breaking the chains of their ancestors and descendants. I shall also show that these behavior patterns (and their consequences) are directly responsible for the independent Jamaica of today, and that these patterns still remain a part of the Jamaican's psychic reactions to life. Beginning with the emergence of the Maroons, we shall review the prominent freedom movements from the seventeenth century to the emergence of the Rastafarian movement during the twentieth century.
The Jamaican Maroon: A Study of Fight and Flight
The evidence is now well documented that the Africans who were carried to the Caribbean resisted their enslavement and continued to resist their bondage both passively and violently up until the abolition of slavery and beyond. The classic example of this resistance is the presence of Maroon communities all over the New World.3 It is only recently that Maroon history has become accessible, but the historical events of the Jamaican Maroons were probably some of the earliest to be recorded. Their fame as freedom fighters and their elusiveness (assisted by the mountain fastness of the Jamaican hill country) forced the British to sue for peace as early as 1738. In this way, the Jamaica Maroon communities existed as a free people sixty-six years before the independence of Haiti and ninety-six years before slavery was abolished on the island.
The story of the Jamaican Maroons begins with the English defeat of Spain in 1655.4 The Spaniards, finding themselves outclassed by the British, sailed from the north coast of Jamaica for Cuba and left their slaves to the British. But the slaves had ideas of their own. Although we have no true records of the treatment of Spanish slaves in Jamaica up to 1655, we may assume from the behavior of the Spanish slaves that they were discontent with slavery, for they soon sought freedom in the hill country where they fought a grueling war to the death. These Spanish slaves came to be Africa. According to Long, Cudjoe had exemplified himself as a leader as early as 16936 and had organized most of the Maroons under his leadership. The life or death struggle for freedom had begun. There seems to have been little difference between the Spanish Maroons and the Koromantyns in manners and language, and even the other tribal groups who joined them soon overcame their differences and adopted the Ashanti language. R. C. Dallas, who wrote the first full-length history of the Maroons, observed: "The Coromantee language, however, superseded the others, and became in time the general one used."7
Cudjoe, on assuming his command, appointed his brothers Accompong and Johnny to be leaders under him, and named Cuffee and Quaco subordinate captains. The brunt of the Maroon campaign was carried on under these five men and were assisted by others, mainly in the northern and southern parts of Jamaica. On the east side of the island, another sizable group of Maroons formed under the leadership of the legendary Acheampong Nanny who was said to be either the wife or the sister of Cudjoe. Not much is known of her, but there is a town named in her honor in that point of the island, and her fame has been so great in Jamaican folk tradition that the legislature has posthumously named her the first woman to receive the distinction of National Hero in the year 1975. But if nothing is known of Nanny, much is known of her colleague in command, Captain Quaco,8 who later supervised the signing of the treaty with the English for that group of Maroons in 1739.

The terror the Maroons caused the English in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was far greater than what the Maroons could have commanded in size alone. (It is believed that at no time did their number exceed one thousand five hundred.9) But the deployment of small groups by Cud-
33 Domination and Resistance in Jamaican History
joe in sudden and savage attack and swift withdrawal kept the English completely disoriented about their strength. Their ability to use the rugged mountain terrain provided another effective strategy. Their excellent intelligence network allowed them to know well in advance when a mission was being sent against them. Dallas, speaking of their guerrilla tactics, observed:
Such are the natural fortifications in which the Maroons secured themselves in times of danger, and from which it has been ever found difficult to dislodge them. [Their camps were always situated at the mouth of a rock] which look like a great fissure made through some extraordinary convulsion of nature, and through which men can pass only in a single file, the Maroons, whenever they expect an attack, disposed of themselves on the ledges of the rocks on both sides. Sometimes they advanced a party beyond the entrance of the defile, frequently in a line on each side, if the ground would admit; and lay covered by the underwood, and behind rocks and roots of trees, waiting in silent ambush for their pursuers, of whose approach they had always information from their scouts.10
Such strategies at this period were unknown to the English army whose philosophy of warfare was that of the gentleman soldier. One historian of the period contrasted the English soldiers with the Maroons as follows:
The [British] troops marched in their proper regimentals, as if they were going to fight a regular and civilized enemy, and sometimes had even the absurdity to traverse the mountainous roads with drums beating. The customary accoutrements were too clumsy and burdensome for traversing the woods and clambering over rocks, and the red coats were too conspicuous an object to the Maroon marksmen, who seldom missed their aim.11
After nearly forty-five years of fighting a losing battle and after nearly a quarter of a million pounds and hundreds of lives taken, Governor Trelawny was urged to offer peace to the Maroons. This advice was politically fruitful for the English, and it later destroyed the image of the Maroons as a symbol of freedom.

The Peace Treaty of March 1, 1738
Leaving out all the drama surrounding the signing of the treaty,121 shall present only the main articles of this historical document, beginning with the preamble about the king, and God's displeasure over the shedding of blood. The treaty contains fifteen articles:
First, That all hostilities shall cease on both sides forever.
Second, That the said Captain Cudjoe, the rest of his captains, adherents, and men, shall be forever hereafter in a perfect state of freedom and liberty, excepting those who have been taken by them, within two years last past, if such are willing to return to their said masters and owners, with full pardon and indemnity . . . provided always, that, if they are not willing to return, they shall remain in subject to Captain Cudjoe and in friendship with us, according to the form and tenor of this treaty.
Third, That they shall enjoy and possess, for themselves and posterity forever, all the lands situated and lying between Tre-lawny Town and the Cockpits, to the amount of fifteen hundred acres, bearing North-West from the said Trelawny Town.
Fourth, That they shall have liberty to plant the said lands with coffee, cocoa, ginger, tobacco, and cotton, and to breed cattle, hogs, goats, or any other flock, and dispose of the produce or increase of the said commodities to the inhabitants of this island; provided always, that when they bring the said commodities to market, they shall apply first to the custos, or any other magistrate of the respective parishes where they expose their goods to sale, for license to sell the same.
Fifth, That Captain Cudjoe, and all the Captain's adherents, and people now in subjection to him, shall all live together within the bounds of Trelawny Town, and that they shall have liberty to hunt where they shall think fit, except within three miles of any settlement, crawl, or pen; provided always, that in case of the hunters of Captain Cudjoe, and those of other settlements meet, then the hogs are to be equally divided between both parties.
Sixth, That the said Captain Cudjoe, and his successors, do use their best endeavours to take, kill, suppress, or destroy, either by themselves, or jointly with any other number of men, commanded on that service by His Excellency the Governor, or Commander-in-Chief for the time being, all rebels wheresoever they be,
35 Domination and Resistance in Jamaican History
throughout this island, unless they submit to the same terms of accommodation granted to Captain Cudjoe, and his successors.
Seventh, That in case this island be invaded by any foreign enemy, the said Captain Cudjoe, and his successors hereinafter named or to be appointed, shall then, upon notice given, immediately repair to any place the Governor for the time being shall appoint, in order to repel the said invaders with his or their utmost force, and to submit to the orders of the Commander-in-Chief on that occasion.
Eighth, That if any white man shall do any manner of injury to Captain Cudjoe, his successors, or any of his or their people, they shall apply to any commanding officer or magistrate in the neighbourhood for justice; and in case Captain Cudjoe, or any of his people shall do any injury to any white person he shall submit himself, or deliver up such person to justice.
Ninth, That if any negroes shall hereafter run away from their masters or owners, and fall in Captain Cudjoe's han'ds, they shall immediately be sent back to the chief magistrate of the next parish where they are taken; and those that bring them are to be satisfied for their trouble, as the legislature shall appoint.
Tenth, That all negroes taken, since the raising of this party by Captain Cudjoe's people, shall immediately be returned.
Eleventh, That Captain Cudjoe and his successors, shall wait on His Excellency, or the Commander-in-Chief for the time being every year, if thereunto required.
Twelfth, That Captain Cudjoe, during his life, and the Captains succeeding him, shall have full power to inflict any punishment they think proper for crimes committed by their men among themselves, death only excepted; in which case, if the Captain thinks they deserve death, he shall be obliged to bring them before any justice of the peace, who shall order proceedings on their trial equal to those of any other negroes.
Thirteenth, That Captain Cudjoe with his people, shall cut, clear, and keep open, large and convenient roads from Trelawny Town to Westmoreland and St. James's, and if possible, to St. Elizabeth's.
Fourteenth, That two white men, to be nominated by His Excellency, or the Commander-in-Chief for the time being, shall constantly live and reside with Captain Cudjoe, and his successors, in order to maintain a friendly correspondence with the inhabitants of this island.

Fifteenth, That Captain Cudjoe shall, during his life, be chief Commander in Trelawny Town; after his decease the command to devolve on his brother Captain Accompong; and in case of his decease, on his next brother Captain Johnny; and, failing him, Captain Cuffee shall succeed; who is to be succeeded by Captain Quaco; and after their demise, the Governor or Commander-in-Chief for the time being, shall appoint, from time to time, whom he thinks fit for that command.

The treaty brought an end to hostilities between the Planters and the fighting Maroons. It made them a free people with their own lands and leaders and created for them a mystical sophistication which has continued to the present day. But a careful reading of the treaty shows quite clearly that for the Maroons it was a Pyrrhic victory, the greatest advantages falling into the hands of the English settlers. The treaty reduced the fighting Maroons from gallant freedom fighters to an unpaid army of English Planters and a permanent police force, a duty which they willingly performed up to the Rebellion of 1865.
The effects of the treaty on the plantation slaves were devastating. The sixth and ninth articles of the treaty were supported by the Maroons to the letter and, on the basis of this loyalty, every bid for freedom by the slaves and free Jamaicans—even after the emancipation—was successfully crushed by the Maroons. As the following events prove, of the thousands of Blacks whose blood was spilled for freedom in Jamaica after the signing of this treaty, the Maroons far outdid the British militia, who depended on them to do the dirty work while praising and damning their savagery at the same time. Jamaican history should record that the gallantry of the Trelawny Maroons ceased with the signing of the Peace Treaty of March 1, 1738, and that of the Leeward Maroons of July 23, 1739. The history of the Maroons, thereafter, has been a sad tale of atrocities perpetuated against their countrymen. After the signing of the treaties, the Maroons mid-July of that year, Captain Craskell was driven out. But the coup de grace of the whole episode was the beating of two Maroons (in Montego Bay), as sentenced by a regularly constituted court, for having stolen two pigs. Although the penalty was a regular one, the flogging was done by a runaway slave: both an affront and grave insult to the proud Maroons. All of this led to a renewal of war between the Tre-lawny Maroons and the colonial government. By this time however, the Maroons had neither the united front nor the gallantry of past years. Forty-six years had passed since the peace treaty had been signed. A section of the Maroons under Captain Accompong had settled in the Nassau Mountains in a town that now bears his name. They refused to support the Trelawnys on account of some differences that had developed. Instead, the Accompongs joined forces with the colonialists, and the fate of the Trelawnys was sealed. After a short but vigorous battle they surrendered and six hundred of them were transported to Halifax on June 6, 1796; finding the place unsuitable for Blacks, however, the colonial government—in agreement with Sierra Leone—removed them to Freetown, West Africa.13 I will return to the subject of the Maroons who remained in Jamaica, but for now I will discuss one of the most important attempts at freedom in Jamaica—made by the regular estate slaves rather than by the Maroons.

The Sam Sharpe Rebellion: 1831-32
Chattel slavery was enormously profitable. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the epithet, "as wealthy as a West Indian,"14 was given to a body of English Planters who grew rich and powerful through their enormous profits on Caribbean investments in slaves and sugar. But if slavehold-ing was profitable, it was always at the expense of peace of mind, deep forebodings, and an unpredictable future, because the slaves were always a "troublesome property." In Jamaica, as the record will show, not a year passed between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries without a this insurrection, evidence taken by the Royal Commission after the rebellion "demonstrated to the Imperial Legislature, that among the negroes themselves the spirit of freedom had been so widely diffused as to render it most perilous to postpone the settlement of the important question of emancipation to a later period."17 This widespread spirit of freedom resulted from a variety of sources; for example, a large number of the slaves had become Christians and literate enough to assume lay leadership, most of them of the Methodist and Baptist faith. Of the Baptists, there were two varieties: those of the London Baptist Missions, staffed by White missionaries; and the Native Baptists, the older variety, founded by George Liele. Liele—an American Baptist slave-preacher taken to Jamaica after the American Revolution—started a thriving Baptist mission on the island. The Native Baptists grafted Christianity to the African ethos of the slaves and took on a messianic-millenarian fervor. This spiritual combination became the energizing force behind the slaves in their demand for freedom as a command from God.
Sam Sharpe was said to be a member of the London Baptist Mission of Montego Bay, but the author believes that he was also a leader in the Native Baptist church. It appears that the groundwork for the rebellion was laid in a prayer meeting. Henry Bleby, who interviewed the prisoners after the insurrection for the Rebellion Committee, is our only source on this matter. One of the men he interviewed was Edward Hylton, whom he referred to as "one of the original conspirators." According to Hylton, sometime during 1831 (he could not remember the month), he received an invitation from Sam Sharpe—a slave at the Retrieve Estates near Montego Bay—to attend a meeting at the home of Mr. Johnson on the same estate. The first part of the rendezvous consisted of a prayer meeting. After prayer, most of the members left the house leaving only Sharpe, Johnson, and Hylton. Soon these three were joined by others who approached "under extreme caution." According to Hylton, Sharpe was expecting these people. After they had safely assembled, Sharpe rose to address them, speaking in soft tones "so that his voice was not heard beyond the building." According to Hylton:
He [Sam Sharpe] then proceeded with a long address to those around him on various topics relating to the great subject he had on his heart, and with an eloquence which kept all his hearers fascinated and spell-bound from the beginning to the end of his speech. He referred to the manifold evils and injustice of slavery; asserted the natural equality of man with regard to freedom; and, referring to the Holy Scriptures as his authority, denied that the white man had any more right to hold the blacks in bondage than the blacks had to enslave the white.18
Although the style of the above quotation may differ from what Hylton repeated to Bleby, there is no doubt that the essence of Hylton's confession is authentically recorded. Another participant of the 1831 rebellion was Captain Gardner, one of Sharpe's commanders in the field. In his confession to Bleby, he told of another meeting where Sharpe spoke to his followers. He states that on that occa-
Sam Sharpe spoke for a long time on the subject of slavery and told us what he had read in the papers concerning it; and he addressed us in such a manner that he [Gardner] was wrought up almost to a state of madness. After this speech he entered in the freedom fighting with all his soul.19
The above quotations show that Sam Sharpe was not just an ordinary slave, but a man of extraordinary authority over his fellow slaves—a man of charisma, a religious leader, and an orator who commanded the attention of his audiences. Bleby's description of Sam Sharpe shortly before his death is even more enlightening. He wrote:
Samuel Sharpe was a man whose active brain devised the project,-and he had sufficient authority with those around him to carry it into effect having acquired an extraordinary degree of influence amongst his fellow-slaves.20
42 The Rastafarians
Bleby went on to say, "He was the most intelligent and remarkable slave I ever met with." He described Sam Sharpe as follows:
Middle in size—fine sinewy frame—handsomely molded—his nose and lips exhibited the usual characteristics of the negro race. He had teeth whose regularity and pearly whiteness, a court-beauty might have envied—and an eye whose brilliancy was almost dazzling. He possessed intellectual and oratorical powers above the common order.21
And this, said Bleby, "was the secret of the extensive influence which he exercised."22
An insight into Sharpe's charismatic powers (also rendered by Bleby) goes to the heart of the character of this freedom fighter:
I heard him [Sam Sharpe] two or three times deliver a brief extemporaneous address to his fellow-prisoners on religious topics, many of them being confined together in the same cell; and I was amazed both at the power and freedom with which he spoke, and at the effect which was produced upon his auditory. He appeared to have the feelings and passions of his hearers completely at his command; and when I listened to him once, I ceased to be surprised at what Gardner had told me, "that when Sharpe spoke to him and others on the subject of slavery," he, Gardner, was "wrought up almost to a state of madness."23

According to Bleby, Sam Sharpe's strategy was to start not a violent but a nonviolent revolution.30 Life was not to be taken except in self-defense, but once the wrath of oppressed peoples was set loose, it was not to be contained until, quoting Bleby's words, "one of the fairest portions of this beautiful island was laid to ruins."
So secretive were the preparations for the revolt that not even the keen eyes of Bleby nor the suspicious Planters (who used every cunning to reveal the plot) were able to discern any signs of the impending upheaval. Bleby reported that after the Ramble meeting and the dedication of the Slater's Hill Baptist Church,
Mr. Murray [a missionary colleague of his] proceeding to Montego Bay, I to Lucea. Our way lay though in different directions, through the country which was destined so soon to be laid waste; but at that time the most perfect quiet prevailed. There was not visible the slightest indication of the storm which was about to burst over our heads with such appalling and desolatory violence.31
Sam Sharpe and his men had done their homework thoroughly, but only to a point. If Sam Sharpe had intended only a nonviolent demonstration of solidarity against slavery, some of his lieutenants did not get the message. As Bleby puts it:
In the evening (of the same day) as it grew dark, the first indication of the actual revolt was given, by the burning of the houses and sugar-works on a large plantation called "Kensington" the property of a Mr. Morris. And soon after, the example was followed on other
46 The Rastafarians
estates: so that all through the night the heavens were lighted up by the burning properties in all directions.32
It is believed that Kensington, situated on a hill, was used to signal the slaves that the insurrection had begun. What had been intended as a nonviolent protest was now on the way to being one of the most violent slave uprisings in Jamaican history.
Needless to say, the inhabitants of Montego Bay were seized with fear. For them, the long-awaited day of judgment had come. With the example of Haiti fresh in their minds, the White Planters took flight to the sea using every available ship in port to escape with their women and children. The principal figure on whom the Whites depended was one Mr. Grignon, an attorney, who acted as manager of many estates whose owners lived in England. According to Bleby, he was one of the most inhuman characters in the history of Jamaican slavery, with a habit of using his slaves in such a way as to "discredit" the system! Bleby believed that such behavior by an overseer was a primary abuse of the slave system which finally brought disgrace to all! This rather mild rebuke, however, showed the insensitivity of Bleby himself. At the opening of the rebellion, Grignon assumed the role of colonel and hastily organized what was called the Western Interior Regiment, composed entirely of White Planters.33 This mustering of White Planters was a slave tradition in which able-bodied Planters formed their own regiment to defend their properties. They had two barracks for this occasion—one at Belvidere Estate in Montego Bay and one at Shettlewood Estate between the borders of St. James, St. Elizabeth, and Westmoreland. Initially, two hundred fifty of these men formed into an army. But for some unknown reason, Colonel Grignon retreated with his White Companions to Montpelier Estate (about thirty miles from Montego Bay) instead of protecting the estates around Montego Bay. Here, on December 28, he was joined by the seventh Regiment of St. James—a company made up entirely of Black soldiers— leaving Montego Bay and the valuable plantations without a combination of all these factors. Whatever the reason, most of the slaves in the county of Cornwall had mentally, psychologically, and eschatologically ceased being slaves. The decision was made by a large body of slaves not to return to work on any plantation after the Christmas holidays of December, 1831. On December 26, 1831, Bleby (the missionary) reported that he visited Ramble, a village in Westmoreland, and learned there that the slaves had a plan to cease work. As a typical Methodist minister, Bleby implored his members "not to give heed to the unfounded and mischievous reports that were in circulation about their freedom having been given by the King, and to have nothing to do with those persons who were disposed to create mischief and lead them astray."26 He reported that all the slaves present stood up and pledged themselves to act upon his advice. If we may believe the records, it is generally agreed that the Methodist slaves never participated in the Sam Sharpe rebellion. This is an awful commentary on the Jamaican Methodists when compared with the freedom-fighting Methodists of the United States. A very different attitude was shown by the Baptists on the same day—December 26—when the Baptist Chapel at Slater's Hill near Montego Bay was dedicated. The speaker was the Reverend William Knibbs27 who, alluding to the gossip of impending freedom which he sensed in the congregation, reported it as false. Bleby recalled:
His remarks were met with evident dissatisfaction by many of the slaves present, several of whom left the chapel offended, and others remarked that "the man," meaning Mr. Knibbs, "must be mad to tell we such things."28
Bleby concluded:
The spirit and conduct of these negroes created no small alarm, and the missionaries who were present on the occasion left the place with gloom and painful foreboding.29
What is suggested here is that "the spirit of heightened expectation" cannot be satisfied with meaningless words,
45 Domination and Resistance in Jamaican History
even if these words are facts. Given the psychological state of the slaves, not even the governor of Jamaica could convince them that they were not to be freed. This was their faith, and faith needs no proof. Freedom is not a thing given; it is a state of mind, and, as this book will show, many of the slaves went to their death in freedom, even without the "free papers."

tween the principal towns were cut off and the entire county of Cornwell was in the hands of the slaves who set fire to all the estates in the parishes of St. James, Hanover, Westmore-land, and St. Elizabeth. Bleby reported that not one white man was to be seen from Montego Bay to Savanna la Mar, and from Black River to Lucea. The militia was confined to the coastal towns of the north coast.
The day of reckoning, however, was approaching. As soon as news of the insurrection had reached the governor in Spanish Town, martial law was declared; this meant vengeance on the Blacks, both slaves and freed. The arrival of General Sir Willoughby Cotton as commander in chief of the campaign, with the combined force of the seventy-fourth, seventy-seventh, and eighty-fourth regiments, demonstrated the seriousness of the conflict. Sensing the danger of a campaign against an army of slaves whose spirits were high (and probably recalling the futility of fighting against the Maroons who knew the rugged mountains), Sir Willoughby issued a pardon to all slaves willing to lay down arms and return to their former owners,- only the ringleaders were to be punished. The leniency of the commander in chief reinforced the slaves' belief that the king's army would do them no harm, and that slavery had indeed been abolished. Bleby reported that the slaves greeted the English ships with joy, believing that the soldiers had come to protect them. This misconception was to be the doom of many who, upon hearing General Cotton's proclamation, tried to return to their former masters. Bleby reported sadly: "The proclamation leniency was aborted by the gross revenge of the masters who used it as a lure to delude unsuspecting slaves to their death." The worst was yet to come.

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